Opinió
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El sexe comú
Lluís de Yzaguirre
21.11.2013
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L'home de la jaqueta de cuir
David Figueres
19.11.2013
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Veus espanyoles de segon nivell
Vicenç Salvador Torres Guerola
17.11.2013
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Gaziel va morir sent immoderat
Francesc-Marc Álvaro
16.11.2013
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La reacció catalana a la Nit dels vidres trencats. Entre la solidaritat i l’amargor
Joan Pérez i Ventayol
10.11.2013
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Els valencians no érem morts, es veu que només fèiem vacances
Josep Usó
08.11.2013
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Externalitzar la publicitat de TV3, un error irreparable
Sergi Sabrià
07.11.2013
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O delegat del govern espanyol o president de la Generalitat
Empar Marco
07.11.2013
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'Les entitats hem d'encapçalar una mobilització civil contra el tancament de Canal 9'
Tonetxo Pardiñas
06.11.2013
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'Ara comença el procés de recuperació de Canal 9'
Toni Gisbert
06.11.2013
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Vicent Moreno: 'És un cop d'estat mediàtic'
Vicent Moreno
06.11.2013
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La pregunta és independència i el referèndum és tant sí com no
Quim Arrufat
06.11.2013
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Només hi ha una solució: eleccions immediatament
Rafa Xambó
05.11.2013
Francesc-Marc Álvaro
09.04.2014
Rajoy and Rubalcaba strengthen the Catalan sovereignty process
The debate in the Spanish Congress to request the transfer of powers for a referendum to the Government of Catalonia has shown five important things:
First, the inflexible, closed attitude of the two major Spanish parties, under the leadership of Mariano Rajoy and Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba, strengthens the sovereignty process by reinforcing the idea that the best—and only--Catalan reform is an independent Catalan state. The offer to try to amend the Constitution is, as everyone knows, a mere rhetorical device. This is because clear majorities across the Spanish state oppose any substantive change that is proposed by Catalonia.
Second, Rajoy said solemnly that he recognizes no grievance that Catalonia suffers today, whether economic, social, cultural, or political, and therefore assumes that the conflict between Catalan society and powers of the Spanish state is an inexplicable whim, a craze, an oddity, and a mystery that does not deserve anything other than watchful containment. Ortega y Gasset said in 1932, during the discussion of the (original) statute on Catalan autonomy, that "el problema catalán sólo se puede conllevar” [there is nothing else that can be done about the Catalan problem more than bear it]. Rajoy, in his paralysis, does what the well-known intellectual recommended.
Third, the debate in Congress demonstrates before international observers that the Spanish government relies only on the automatic application of the law to solve a historical problem of great dimensions that, sooner or later, will also be an issue of European dimensions. Especially significant is the following sentence that Rajoy cooly uttered: "And do not talk to me about Scotland." Today, the morning after, the European governments should be more worried by Rajoy's attitude than by the three Catalan deputies’ request for permission to vote.
Fourth, Catalan advocates of the so-called "third way” are the great losers in the congressional debate, because Rajoy has not made any gesture—not even one—that can be favorable to such an idea. Certain Catalan elites have not been able to influence the rhetoric of the head of the Spanish government, as is now exhibited in front of the whole country. Will that now open up substantial reflection among the very business and financial sectors that have so severely criticized President Mas in recent months?
Fifth and lastly, the speeches of Turull, Rovira, and Herrera have painted a picture that is plural, serious, and clear of what a majority of Catalan society is asking for. Beyond the tone of individual deputies, their totality has proved effective and educational. It has served to bring to many Spaniards and to many international media a real sense of the right to decide, which is the extension of democracy and the distribution of power in a peaceful manner. Among the speeches made by representatives of the parliamentary groups, special mention must be given to the speech of the republican Alfred Bosch, with its fine irony, forcefulness, and elegance.
Article originally published on the blog of the author, Diari de la desconnexió. Translation by Roger Evans.
Editorial
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La manera de guanyar importa
Vicent Partal
27.07.2015
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La fi de Pujol i la fi de la Catalunya autònoma
Vicent Partal
25.07.2015
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7 contra 155?
Vicent Partal
24.07.2015
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El 155 o l'evidència de la desesperació
Vicent Partal
23.07.2015
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Rajoy i els conceptes més elementals
Vicent Partal
22.07.2015
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Anem a totes
Vicent Partal
21.07.2015
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Ciutadans contra el(s) valencià(ns)
Vicent Partal
20.07.2015
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Contra la revolució
Vicent Partal
17.07.2015
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Les tres explicacions que no entendran mai
Vicent Partal
16.07.2015
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Setanta-cinc dies per a treballar tots com bojos
Vicent Partal
15.07.2015
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Bones vibracions…
Vicent Partal
14.07.2015
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Turbulències, també a Podem
Vicent Partal
13.07.2015
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Lleida és un gran exemple
Vicent Partal
10.07.2015
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I ara un parell de preguntes
Vicent Partal
09.07.2015
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Entre Irlanda i la CUP
Vicent Partal
08.07.2015
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(In)justícies
Vicent Partal
07.07.2015
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La democràcia té límits?
Vicent Partal
06.07.2015
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Persistència per a guanyar
Vicent Partal
05.07.2015
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Sumar
Vicent Partal
03.07.2015
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L’embolic d’Iceta amb el 9-N
Vicent Partal
02.07.2015
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Contra la 'llei mordassa'
Vicent Partal
01.07.2015
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Europa, en perill
Vicent Partal
30.06.2015
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A les vostres mans
Vicent Partal
29.06.2015
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La trampa
Vicent Partal
26.06.2015
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El retorn de la Generalitat
Vicent Partal
25.06.2015